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Nothing is more expensive than ignorance

Monday, May 27, 2013

Who Benefits from the Economic Buzz?

There is a global buzz about the economic boom in Africa. Economic analysts talk about 6% growth. Even for some few countries like Ethiopia and Nigeria, double-digit growth is projected in the years to come. But the question is, are the likely big gainers going to be Africans themselves or foreign investors? That is the one million dollar question.

 Many African entrepreneurs and governments are on the full glare of the growth opportunities that there is in the continent. Many have already begun to take advantage by founding new innovative companies that are already on success path. Indeed, some African governments are even encouraging investment in neighboring countries where opportunities are stronger. In Kenya for instance, you will find South African firms in the media and entertainment industry or Libyan Oil companies so ubiquitous one will think it is the ideal industry to invest in.

Nonetheless, it will be disingenuous not to recognize the growing interest of young innovative entrepreneurially tactful Africans eager to take advantage of the new economic dawn in the continent. Although, by and large, the continent was not prepared for this growth in terms of infrastructure and managerial skills, lots of young Africans are yet boldly and conspicuously embracing these opportunities. Many business schools are now on the rush to accommodate people seeking management and technological skills that are currently sub-optimal. However, besides the managerial and technical needs, the other big challenge for the African entrepreneur is the capital investment required to take off. Local banks are obviously still lurking in risk managing the loan opportunities and are quite frankly still latching on the past where prohibitive interest rates are swaying capital seekers to find other alternatives.

Unfortunately, these alternatives come with significant dichotomous short-term and long-term cost to the African entrepreneur seeking capital for either start-up or for strategic market expansion. On the one hand, Billions of dollars in foreign private equities are flooding the market scouting for investment opportunities. From the outset, this is great because with direct investment there is job creation and other activities that spur economic growth.

On the flip-side, to start a business local entrepreneurs require capital. Private equities hardly provide direct borrowing opportunities typically seen in the banks. Most are interested in existing ventures - very few show interest in start-ups.  Generally, Foreign Investors find some comfort and security in buying out or partnering in established ventures - tested and proven. This approach eliminates both the founding entrepreneur and the risk involved with starting a new business. To the founding entrepreneur, the short-term benefit is to dispose the business at relatively good cash not considering real success is indeed the long-term. Those are investors often from the West and Middle East.

on the other hand, there are the Chinese whose investment and business approach is diametrically opposed to the conventional ways. Their targeted investments are massive public and semi-private contracts. Contrary to western investors, they import both intangible and tangible products and skills, technology and capital and only turn Africa into behemoth consumer with negligible socially responsible corporate deliveries - with absolutely nothing green on their investment menu.  By green investment in this context, we refer to conscious awakening to both sustainability and socially responsible investments. Yet corruption abounds in their dealings.

From Large private and public infrastructural contracts to small retailers, the Chinese are so ubiquitous across Africa. In Kenya for instance, after the Anglo-Leasing and the Goldenberg scandals, the Chinese are the new kids on the block when it comes to towering corrupt mega deals. In a nutshell, the Chinese investment is of no value to the mainstream African entrepreneur. They are beneficiaries unto themselves and their home country. Foreign Private equities and other form of non-Chinese foreign investors are engaged in full ownership that in the long-term eliminates local ownership ultimately leaving behind little benefit. It then begs the question, who is truly benefiting from this economic buzz in the continent?

Thursday, October 18, 2012

Counterfeiting is not a new business but when it comes to human health it poses serious Health risk. With the rise of globalization and its effect felt everywhere in the world, counterfeiters are riding at the crest of the tide. Kenya’s Pharmaceutical market embodies the best example of proliferation of counterfeit drugs.




In a snapshot definition, a counterfeit drug has no active ingredient or contains harmful substance and is intentionally and fraudulently mislabeled as representation of a genuine brand or generic medication. These commonly include expired drugs often remarketed with new expiration dates or dilution of medications to increase quantity or manufacture of fake, spurious and substandard drugs labeled with misleading information. Its effects can cause serious damage that goes beyond harming individual patient to society. And true to form, it is growing at an alarming rate particularly in the developing world.



Although monetary estimates of counterfeit drug market is approaching well above US$75 billion per year worldwide, over 75% is in the developing world with the African continent accounting for the highest consumption followed by East Asian countries. Kenya is a giant actor both as a source of supply to the rest of the continent and a huge consumer market. In Kenya, pharmaceutical and medical regulations are scantly evident, weak and at its best unreliable.



At the backdrop of lackluster regulations severed by corruption, pharmacy owners, operators, importers, exporters and local drug makers are thriving and laughing all the way to their bank accounts in a sad trade of poisoning and preying on innocent Kenyan public.



Pharmacies in Kenya are rarely manned by trained personnel. According to Kenya Pharmacy and Poisons board quarter page policy, to operate a pharmacy, there are two critical elements from professional stand point; there should be a registered pharmacist and duly inspected premises with a license registered under the pharmacist. Usually, the former is conspicuously absent and the later explicitly hangs somewhere in the pharmacy accruing leased income for the pharmacist.



Pharmacist rent their licenses to the owners of drugstores knowing pharmacies licensed to them are managed and operated by unskilled pharmacy personnel. This is an act that extends beyond moral and ethical issue and certainly teetering at criminality given the fatal consequences it may lead to. And yes, the Pharmacy and Poisons board is often aware of this business. Negligence at the board level and illegal trade in pharmaceutical licensing is the most important underpinning factor providing counterfeiters with the opportunities they need.



When you purchase a medication from a drugstore in Nairobi for a simple ailment such as cold, there is high chance you will suffer a great deal from taking the drug. Paradoxically, the natural progression of the illness is never interrupted by the medication at all.



A cold medication is usually meant to suppress your symptoms until such a time your body’s immunity cleanse it all. But in your honest pursuit to relief yourself of nuisance cough, dripping nose and teary eyes you buy a 12-pill pack imprinted with Cold-Relief. You take this medication and nothing happens.



Indeed your symptoms manifest deeply and intensely – Constant hacking cough teetering at loss of consciousness, your nose too runny and too tender to wipe, sneezes nearly exploding the eardrums and your eyes red hot. What happened to the cold relief therapy?

 

Monday, December 20, 2010

Is there such a thing as "Freedom of Movement"?

I did it again this year to see if anything has changed. Last year it was by Bus. In October of this year (2010), I traveled from Madera to Wajir, purposefully by Kabber (Land Cruiser used to carry Chat). Three days before, I flew from Nairobi to Mandera and asked my driver to meet me in Wajir. The Kabberr unloaded a day before and was on its way to Maua. In the cabin were the driver, my niece who just completed standard eight and me. We departed at 10 am.

After traveling for an estimated half-kilometer, the driver came to a screeching stop in front of a shop. He shouted for his turnboy to come down. He handed him about 10,000 Kenya Shillings. It was all in 1000 shilling bill. The day was so hot...so hot and dry that no amount of water can cool you down. It was made worse by sitting and waiting in idling car. Five minutes later, the young man returned with hands to chest full of 100 shilling notes. Instantly, the driver accelerated with a thrust leaving behind a gigantic trail of dust. That made us very nervous. But, the thought of the huge stuck of notes clouded my discomfort with a seemingly irresponsible driving. I could not hold my curiosity back. I asked the driver why he needed so much cash in small bills. He retorted "for the road". That was an idiomatic response but I suspect he meant for the police (road) as I had seen it happen in the Bus.

We came to Arabia, the immediate settlement after Mandera. The policeman waved at us to stop. There was a roadblock, so there was no reason for waving. Perhaps, he was too excited to see us. He came to the driver's side, leaned on the door and as he exchanged greetings, the driver pulled a couple notes (Ksh. 200) from the stuck of money on the side of his seat. He folded the notes and extended his hand for unsuspicious handshake. I could see the policeman's arm drop to his pocket and almost instantly conclude the conversation. The Policeman cleared our way and we headed on.

Next, we came to Fino. The policeman waved again. We stopped. And soon, he was on the driver's door and the Metal Bar was up in minutes. The whole thing appeared to have some procedural pattern to it; a roadblock, a wave, leaning on the driver's door, a handshake and moving the roadblock. At Lafey, Elwak (twice), Borehole-11, Wargadud, Kutulo-Mandera, Kutulo-Wajir, Tarbaj the drama replayed over and over and over. I asked the driver what will happen if he didn't pay these guys. He said they will detain the vehicle and its passengers for hours if not days with no law to turn to. Seriously, that is an abuse of people’s rights

I was not shocked as much as surprised that this was not only in the Buses plying through these routes but applies to all travelers - even Lorries. It is like a toll station, only this time it is in every small village. By the way, these roads are murram and no evidence of gravelling or paving ever occurred here.

Most leaders will tell you the police checks are for security purpose. But does this really entail any form of security check? If it is for security reasons, why do it in every single village? Can't this be done in Arabia then at Wajir then Garissa? Even that is too much.

I had a similar experience in a Bus from Mandera to Wajir last year. I heard these stories many times but wanted to experience it for myself. Just outside Mandera, we were stopped. Everyone was asked to come down. We complied. They asked for Identity shouting "kipande, kipande!!". They checked everyone and we boarded again with no incident. My eyes were keen on the interaction between the police and the conductor. They stood on the side, engaged in some kind of negotiation and he handed them something. I am guessing something more than couple hundred.

Then at Rhamu, we were stopped and checked. On the seat just behind me, the policeman shouted "shuka haraka wewe! shuka!!!". I turned and it was a young lady with a sick child on her lap. He held her ID card firmly on his hand. She stepped down with the child strapped on her back. Again, I was watching this incident very closely. I asked the passenger sitting next to her if she knew what was going on. They accused her of using a fake Identity card. Not satisfied with this information, I talked to the conductor who was hanging on the entrance bar. He told me that everything is ok. It is not fake ID card; they just need "something".

I started self-debate. If they just need "something" why don't they ask for it? Why did they pick on the most vulnerable of the passengers- a young lady, with a sick child? How can she defend herself if they insist the ID is fake even though it is genuine? What can I do to stop the evil advances of these guys?

I gathered courage, stepped down and confronted the policemen. I introduced myself. "Habari wazee? I am Dr. Ali and this is my relative. Is there a problem with her identity?" One of them lit his flash-light on my face. I politely asked him not to do that again. He yelled that I go back to the Bus. I asked him if I can go back with the lady and her child. He literally started charging at me before he was restrained by his colleague. I warned him that his behavior could cause serious damage to his job and his person. It turned into a scene. The conductor, the driver and more passengers gathered around us. Then the more emotionally sober policeman started apologizing and asked everyone including the lady and her child board the Bus again. We left.

At Elwak, we were checked again. Even after ensuring everyone had an ID, they still wanted their "something". At least, this time, they did not accuse anyone of anything. The conductor took care of them. At Wargadud, Kutulos, Tarbaj the story was the same. Then you wonder; is there such a thing as 'freedom of movement?" Not in the Northern part of Kenya.

I wonder too, if these buses are making ends meet considering the excessive police brutality and massive breakdowns from poor roads. I salute the staff and the owners for their endurance. The extreme breach of justice, abuse of peoples' rights and unyielding demand for bribery is beyond comprehension.

When you want to know the conduct of the rank, you look to the conduct of the file. There is a total failure of leadership in that part of the country. The misconduct of public officers in Northern Kenya is deeply entrenched culture never seen anywhere else in the country. It is brutal, barbaric and bigotry of a kind.

While the other Kenya is fighting corruption, Northern Kenya is fraught with institutional extortion, more so the security arm.

Local and national leaders wake up and stand up against this vice. Wake up government!. Your citizen is painfully consumed a live by your own institution. Where are you human rights watchdogs and advocates? Gather courage to speak up and speak out. Wake up citizens; Kenya has changed and the culture of corruption and police brutality can be confronted boldly with no adverse consequence to you for doing so. Where are the youth and college students? Volunteer for your communities and educate them of their freedom of movement everywhere and anywhere in their country. Where is the media? It is not about national coverage alone, it is also about local coverage; shame and shape the police force and public officers. Let us do it in unison for the suppressed voices, subjugated rights, miscarriage identities and frightened minds.

Snow Storm - Twin Cities, Dec. 2010

Driving on snowed highways and streets was not fun. Can you imagine driving on 16" dip snowed roads? Don't ask how but I managed!!

Friday, October 22, 2010

Northern Kenya; a century of marginalization and still on

The perpetual social, economic and political menace in most parts of Africa is the relic of the colonial powers. The African brand of colonialism was a pervasive laceration on humanity; deep and chronic wounds that continue to fester with pungent mistrust to this day. Every region was affected in a different way. Those on Kenyan highlands were thrown out of their farms and replaced with white settlers. West Africa was converted to slave harbor. The south is even more vivid with its apartheid masters still alive. The north is mostly remembered for the power struggle for the control of Suez Canal route and the Gabon-Niger-Moroco pipeline that empties African oil into massive Paris tanks. The entire Congo-Brazzaville was the private farm of the Belgian King, Leopold-II; the African natives forced to be his personal slaves and labored to transport wood for European real estates.


These are the colonial woes on Africa, its people and natural gifts used for consumption by the Europeans. In Northern Kenya, the colonial story takes a divergent path.

Before independence:

Northern Kenya was not truly colonized. Economically, the region was of no interest to the British. Their tactical presence in the region was one of tripolar mission. First, it was a buffer zone to interrupt Ethiopian imperial expansionist from advancing towards Kenyan hinterland and other regions placed on big British tabs. Second, it was a land-bridge to connect British settlements in East Africa and port of Berbera on the Gulf of Aden. Third, it was a suppression strategy on ‘naturally hostile’ Somali pastoralist. The later was not perceived threat because they had bad experiences with Sayid Abdullah Hassan and bruising battles with Aulihan in Northern Kenya.

Sir Charles Elliot and his cronies slapped the region with the 1902 outlying district ordinance that would isolate the Northerners for the rest of the 20th century. This has essentially turned northern Kenya into a large prison where exit and entrance was by a special pass. The stock and produce ordinance of 1933 led to further insult on the people of Northern Kenya. The ordinances gave British establishment immense powers to arrest and seize property.

After independence:

In addition to extending the colonial policies, the Kenyan government practiced outright discrimination, human right violations and strangled resources to its Northern region. A few of these examples are; the emergency rule, the indemnity act, the pink card, the wagalla massacre, Bulla Kartasi massacre, Merti/isiolo killings, denial of right to birth certificates and the list goes on. These injustices were all well orchestrated and practically designed by the government that is otherwise assumed to protect its people.

Those are the external woes of Northern Kenya. The 20th century closed its doors living dark memories and large scares on the psyche and body of Northern citizens. Despite this history, the people refuse to lurk in their dark memories. Instead, they acquired the will and inspiration to advance and progress. A Nigerian author whose name cannot be recollected aptly stated “We had the best chance to do things right 25 years ago but now is the next best chance”.

Unfortunately, internal archetypical Somali problems remain to impede progress. Negative ethnicity, a terminology cleverly crafted by Koigi Wa Wamwere is a perfect embodiment of Somali internal troubles. A curse as referred to M. Sambul, social cancer, societal venom, ghostly ambience, what ever best describes it, ethnicity holds the Somali society on the shackles. Even amongst the most learned, it has its magical manifestation. Rationally, we can conclude that an effort to exorcise ethnicity from Somali setting is worthless. Solutions can be found in a paradigm shift – a shift from negative ethnicity to positive ethnicity. The question is how do we flip the ethnicity coin from negative to positive?

Another impediment is poor leadership. Leadership that can tower over the internal squabbles steadfastly holding on the driver’s seat of peace and prosperity is NOT a far cry for the Somalis of the Northern Kenya as is for the rest of Somali people. The test is to select leaders on the basis of merit and quality with no absolute regard to ethnic background. This approach will bring the northern region to economic and political maturity at par with the rest of the world. However, seeking leadership will remain a far cry only if the ethnicity coin will fail to flip or shift to the positive paradigm. Other setbacks, we can overcome.

Wednesday, September 22, 2010

Northern Kenya; population hype

Planning Minister, Wycliffe Oparanya and population expert Dr. Lawrence Ikamari of Nairobi University are too naïve to speak to the socio-cultural structures of Northern Kenya Somalis. If that is not the case, then they are deliberately undermining the veracity of the region’s census. The assumption that the current census of North Eastern province is bloated while the past ones were accurate is unfounded.

On four ontological accounts, the census of North Eastern province has never been nearly accurate and will never be accurate;

first, census agents often conduct counts in major cities and mid-sized villages. Great majority of Somali population is pastoral compared to sedentary. On this basis, only a small portion of the population could be reached by census enumerators.

Second, head counting human in the Somali norm is not embraced kindly and implies an attempt heralding sinister intention.


Third, historical injustices, marginalization and perpetual discrimination feeds suspicion and naturally limits census process.


Fourth, Oparanya reported the ratio of men is twice or thrice to women. To be very kind to him, perhaps he read the ratio in reverse.


The poncy textbook response that "according to natural population patterns, the growth in NEP is unusual" as espoused by Dr. Ikamari and Oparanya is disservice to the census process. A dismissive one line item is insufficient to address an entire process Kenyans have been waiting for over a year. Instead, it is prudent to take a more in depth analysis of the "dramatic" population shift, if indeed that is the case.


In the last decade, there has been sedentarization of pastoral communities spawning settlements around Garissa, Mandera, Wajir and other small towns. El-Nino rains, La-Nina and subsequent draughts left widespread bankruptcy in livestock. Hundreds of thousands camel, cattle, goat and sheep perished leaving legions of pastoral communities destitute. These communities were left with no option but sedentary lifestyle.


The upsurge in population around existing towns and villages was not captured by the census-1999 as the settlements were gradual throughout the last decade. That means the enumerators were able to reach more of the population this time than they were able to do in the past.


Clearly, this has contributed to the census of respective towns but not anything near 140% as reported. The overall number recently quoted by the Interim Electoral Commission of Kenya (IIECK) show stark similarity to the census 2009 dismissed by the planning ministry.


According to the Interim Independent Electoral Commission the region has 232,099 registered voters which represent 10 per cent of the total population. This numbers extrapolated to 100th percentile indicate the regions’ population is around 2.3 million, congruent to the result garbaged by the planning minister.


The argument by some pundits that high birth rate has contributed to the puzzling numbers is also defunct. Nothing indicates an upward shift in birth rate between the last few decades as claimed by the government ill-luminaries except during the HIV/AIDS era.


At least theoretically, it is arguable that birth rate may have been comparatively low in the last two decades due to awareness and education around HIV/AIDS in the region. Contraception and fertility enhancing practices are too scanty to waver birth rate. Rationally, population growth in NEP communities must assume linear trajectory barring natural or artificially designed disaster.

The recent count ostensibly touted as "census-2009" and sarcastically referring to Northern Kenya's population as bloated is characteristic of inept and arrogant leadership. A recount will deliver population count that will dampen the spirit and will of those who thrive in ethnic hierarchy. Afterall,Kenyas' 40 plus ethinic groups and 40 million citizens are entitled to equal rights and resources. Subjugation based on ethnic supremacy is not the game to play after the new constitution.

Saturday, December 13, 2008

Mini-Countries in a Country - Mandera Conflict

Just like many countries in Africa, Kenya is made up of numerous distinct tribes living in clusters with unique cultures and norms. In the pre-colonial days, these tribes lived side by side peacefully with occasional rise of disputes normally calmed by elders. During the infamous period ruthlessly labelled scramble and partition of Africa, the white conquerors turned communities against each other conspiring with one group against another. As a strategic means to enlarge their portion of the pie, the Englishman adopted divide and rule policy. They focused on creating tension and rift between the local communities. At this point, drawing boundaries between the communities has become the golden standard in resolving disputes- a measure that will only work to the advantage of the new umbrella power. The The role of elders as peace makers was largely replaced by the colonialist’s policy.

The elders will only resort to the white power each time there is a disagreement over tribal boarders. When the colonial force handed sovereignty to Kenya, it left a power vacuum - one that the now sovereign government has never been able to fill. In essence, communal boundary mentality has found a very deep place in the minds and hearts of the Kenyan Somali in the northern region of the country. It is so bad to the point that an innocent traveler from a neighboring tribe is considered trespasser and is at risk for been hacked to death.

Armed tribal groups protecting their communal land have evolved over time to become a microcosm of military force protecting its national boundary. It is mini-countries within a country. This forms the core of tribal conflicts we see in post colonial Africa and specifically in Kenya. Tribal wars in Northern Kenya are undoubtedly perfect breed, intentional or otherwise, of the colonial legacy. But an unresoved questions remain; What is the government's stance? Is the government's ambivalence and timid approach fueling these wars in Northern Kenya? Consider the unyielding Gare-Murule war.

The tribal conflicts between Gare and Murule communities of Mandera has been the most persistent and well sustained conflicts in the last few decades albeit temporary breaks. The short breaks from conflicts are breathers and time for regrouping and refueling for the next bout of attacks. The conflicts have progressively become bigger, more widespread and much more sophisticated in weaponry and political engagement. In the early decades, weaponry was so rudimentary that pelting stones, shooting poisoned arrows and use of bayonet were the best weapons. Today, tribal fighters use very sophisticated and complex weapons that are capable of unprecedented death and destruction. Much like military might contest between enemy nations, each group tends to acquire the latest and most destructive weapons they can get into their hands. You wonder who the financiers are? Individual contributions, businessmen and political predators are intimately involved and have their foot-prints all over the place - from contribution to coordination to execution. When the conflict stretches their pockets and drains their energy, they start talking to the media, publicly condemning the other and even ready for a table talk.

The talk then leads to a resolution document. The resolution is written by a select group of leaders in order to create peace and understanding between feuding tribes. Much is usually not drawn from previous resolutions and very little of it is remembered. Committee members are usually new and may not even know of the existence of previous resolutions. Financiers, organizers and coordinators of the fighters appoint peace resolution committees and this has been a confounding factor. If i appoint you, you are an ideologue and my ideals are your ideals - That is the modus operandi. It is then uncontestable that committee members pledge allegiance to safe guard the interest of their cronies and tribesmen without explicit promulgation. Is it reasonable to presume that great majority of leaders are not committed to genuine accomplshment of true and long-lasting peace?

The fundamental step towards curing an illness is to pinpoint and understand its root cause. If this is not the case, then we must expect chronic recurrence of the illness - in this case the northern clan violence.

Kenyan Somalis grim experiences with the military and government reaches as far back as the days of independence. Government reactionary machines in response to clan wars in the northerners are seen as disingenuous, in deeply entrenched. , Military and police engagement conjures fear, hatred, anger and and . about Military or police engagement has only escalated the Mandera tribal crisis in terms of harm brought to the community. Derogatory and despicable activities like raping nursing mothers and young girls as recently inflicted by the Kenya army on the communities of Mandera is something commonly abhorred by fighting tribal groups. It is unbearable when several rape victims narrating their accounts of rape and torture by military perpetrators are simply dismissed as false by those same leaders and government entrusted with protection of the public. Is the military given a blank check to conduct its operations in the most ruthless and primitive manner? Are the leaders speaking on behalf of criminals passing as military? Have they been asked to preside over maiming and raping of innocent women, children and elderly? Given the irresponsible and negligent dismissive statements by the government, the answer to these questions remains yes by default.

It is known that local leaders are bent on with-holding factual and evidential information that would otherwise help in the capture and prosecution of individual criminals. When an individual belonging to a particular tribe attacks another causing severe injuries or even murder, that individual is a criminal. The crime was not one of a whole tribe or clan as it is always passed in that context. No group, clan or otherwise must bare the burden of an individual’s crime. A criminal must carry his/her own cross and be put through the legal process for his/her crimes without broad-brush painting. No group, clan or otherwise should pay money for murderers and rapists. No amount of compensation can substitute for the trauma caused by rape or live lost. The nearest to doing justice is to apprehend the individual perpetrator and putting him or her behind bars – exactly where they belong.

Let us assume for a moment that the angels whispered in the ears of a resolution team and they become determined to achieving long-term peace. Succinctly clear implementation plan for resolution document is never known to have been either discussed or compiled. Perhabs, our leaders believe a written document will have the magic power to create peace or their foresight is sincerely limited. If the former is true, we are doomed and if the later is true, we need to do soul searching for better leadership.

Do we need to spend so much time, effort and money on a document that will never see the light of day? Certainly not. We must first have goals and objectives when drawing a resolution. And the first line should read the most ideal scenario; That each person must see the other as a Kenyan and that no land belongs to a group or clan or tribe. That all land other than private property such as your residence or business is public land. That all kenyans have equal right to the use of public land and that no person has more right over another for any reason. These are three key intertwind statements that each person must take to heart.

A proper enforcement of the resolution, non-violent engagement of government machinery and united political leadership committed to a genuine roadmap is the only force that can break the violence cycle in Northern Kenya. The road map should spell out non-negotiable apprehension process for any individual found to engage in or proven to have links to tribal conflicts. Such a process should not favor any suspect - from the goat herder to the wealthy and influential to the persons vested with power in government. Anything short of that will be a disservice, gross failure on the part of the government and betrayal by the political elitists.

The next obvious step is constitution of resolution enforcement team or committee over an extended period of time. Such committee will oversee the implementation of the resolution and ensure that criminals and violators will be identified and apprehended with the full backing of the government as well as the local and national leadership. Thus, with adoption of a methodology to sustain conflict resolution enforcement, the embrace of an everlasting peace and good neighborliness will be an inevitable force.

Military
Kenyan Somalis grim experiences with the military and government reaches as far back as the days of independence. Government reactionary machines in response to clan wars in the north is seen as disingenuous and at the very least an aggressor whose agenda is deeply entrenched in shredding an already flailed spirit. Military and police engagement conjures fear, hatred and brewing anger teetering at shoe throwing distaste.

An objective view point will almost endorse the analysis behind the peoples distrust of the government. Military or police engagement has only escalated the Mandera tribal crisis in terms of harm brought to the community. Derogatory and despicable activities like raping nursing mothers and young girls as recently inflicted by the Kenya army on the communities of Mandera is something commonly abhorred by fighting tribal groups. It is unbearable when several rape victims narrating their accounts of rape and torture by military perpetrators are simply dismissed as false by those same leaders and government entrusted with protection of the public. Is the military given a blank check to conduct its operations in the most ruthless and primitive manner? Are the leaders speaking on behalf of criminals passing as military? Have they been asked to preside over maiming and raping of innocent women, children and elderly? Given the irresponsible and negligent dismissive statements by the government, the answer to these questions remains yes by default.