The perpetual social, economic and political menace in most parts of Africa is the relic of the colonial powers. The African brand of colonialism was a pervasive laceration on humanity; deep and chronic wounds that continue to fester with pungent mistrust to this day. Every region was affected in a different way. Those on Kenyan highlands were thrown out of their farms and replaced with white settlers. West Africa was converted to slave harbor. The south is even more vivid with its apartheid masters still alive. The north is mostly remembered for the power struggle for the control of Suez Canal route and the Gabon-Niger-Moroco pipeline that empties African oil into massive Paris tanks. The entire Congo-Brazzaville was the private farm of the Belgian King, Leopold-II; the African natives forced to be his personal slaves and labored to transport wood for European real estates.
These are the colonial woes on Africa, its people and natural gifts used for consumption by the Europeans. In Northern Kenya, the colonial story takes a divergent path.
Before independence:
Northern Kenya was not truly colonized. Economically, the region was of no interest to the British. Their tactical presence in the region was one of tripolar mission. First, it was a buffer zone to interrupt Ethiopian imperial expansionist from advancing towards Kenyan hinterland and other regions placed on big British tabs. Second, it was a land-bridge to connect British settlements in East Africa and port of Berbera on the Gulf of Aden. Third, it was a suppression strategy on ‘naturally hostile’ Somali pastoralist. The later was not perceived threat because they had bad experiences with Sayid Abdullah Hassan and bruising battles with Aulihan in Northern Kenya.
Sir Charles Elliot and his cronies slapped the region with the 1902 outlying district ordinance that would isolate the Northerners for the rest of the 20th century. This has essentially turned northern Kenya into a large prison where exit and entrance was by a special pass. The stock and produce ordinance of 1933 led to further insult on the people of Northern Kenya. The ordinances gave British establishment immense powers to arrest and seize property.
After independence:
In addition to extending the colonial policies, the Kenyan government practiced outright discrimination, human right violations and strangled resources to its Northern region. A few of these examples are; the emergency rule, the indemnity act, the pink card, the wagalla massacre, Bulla Kartasi massacre, Merti/isiolo killings, denial of right to birth certificates and the list goes on. These injustices were all well orchestrated and practically designed by the government that is otherwise assumed to protect its people.
Those are the external woes of Northern Kenya. The 20th century closed its doors living dark memories and large scares on the psyche and body of Northern citizens. Despite this history, the people refuse to lurk in their dark memories. Instead, they acquired the will and inspiration to advance and progress. A Nigerian author whose name cannot be recollected aptly stated “We had the best chance to do things right 25 years ago but now is the next best chance”.
Unfortunately, internal archetypical Somali problems remain to impede progress. Negative ethnicity, a terminology cleverly crafted by Koigi Wa Wamwere is a perfect embodiment of Somali internal troubles. A curse as referred to M. Sambul, social cancer, societal venom, ghostly ambience, what ever best describes it, ethnicity holds the Somali society on the shackles. Even amongst the most learned, it has its magical manifestation. Rationally, we can conclude that an effort to exorcise ethnicity from Somali setting is worthless. Solutions can be found in a paradigm shift – a shift from negative ethnicity to positive ethnicity. The question is how do we flip the ethnicity coin from negative to positive?
Another impediment is poor leadership. Leadership that can tower over the internal squabbles steadfastly holding on the driver’s seat of peace and prosperity is NOT a far cry for the Somalis of the Northern Kenya as is for the rest of Somali people. The test is to select leaders on the basis of merit and quality with no absolute regard to ethnic background. This approach will bring the northern region to economic and political maturity at par with the rest of the world. However, seeking leadership will remain a far cry only if the ethnicity coin will fail to flip or shift to the positive paradigm. Other setbacks, we can overcome.
Friday, October 22, 2010
Wednesday, September 22, 2010
Northern Kenya; population hype
Planning Minister, Wycliffe Oparanya and population expert Dr. Lawrence Ikamari of Nairobi University are too naïve to speak to the socio-cultural structures of Northern Kenya Somalis. If that is not the case, then they are deliberately undermining the veracity of the region’s census. The assumption that the current census of North Eastern province is bloated while the past ones were accurate is unfounded.
On four ontological accounts, the census of North Eastern province has never been nearly accurate and will never be accurate;
first, census agents often conduct counts in major cities and mid-sized villages. Great majority of Somali population is pastoral compared to sedentary. On this basis, only a small portion of the population could be reached by census enumerators.
Second, head counting human in the Somali norm is not embraced kindly and implies an attempt heralding sinister intention.
Third, historical injustices, marginalization and perpetual discrimination feeds suspicion and naturally limits census process.
Fourth, Oparanya reported the ratio of men is twice or thrice to women. To be very kind to him, perhaps he read the ratio in reverse.
The poncy textbook response that "according to natural population patterns, the growth in NEP is unusual" as espoused by Dr. Ikamari and Oparanya is disservice to the census process. A dismissive one line item is insufficient to address an entire process Kenyans have been waiting for over a year. Instead, it is prudent to take a more in depth analysis of the "dramatic" population shift, if indeed that is the case.
In the last decade, there has been sedentarization of pastoral communities spawning settlements around Garissa, Mandera, Wajir and other small towns. El-Nino rains, La-Nina and subsequent draughts left widespread bankruptcy in livestock. Hundreds of thousands camel, cattle, goat and sheep perished leaving legions of pastoral communities destitute. These communities were left with no option but sedentary lifestyle.
The upsurge in population around existing towns and villages was not captured by the census-1999 as the settlements were gradual throughout the last decade. That means the enumerators were able to reach more of the population this time than they were able to do in the past.
Clearly, this has contributed to the census of respective towns but not anything near 140% as reported. The overall number recently quoted by the Interim Electoral Commission of Kenya (IIECK) show stark similarity to the census 2009 dismissed by the planning ministry.
According to the Interim Independent Electoral Commission the region has 232,099 registered voters which represent 10 per cent of the total population. This numbers extrapolated to 100th percentile indicate the regions’ population is around 2.3 million, congruent to the result garbaged by the planning minister.
The argument by some pundits that high birth rate has contributed to the puzzling numbers is also defunct. Nothing indicates an upward shift in birth rate between the last few decades as claimed by the government ill-luminaries except during the HIV/AIDS era.
At least theoretically, it is arguable that birth rate may have been comparatively low in the last two decades due to awareness and education around HIV/AIDS in the region. Contraception and fertility enhancing practices are too scanty to waver birth rate. Rationally, population growth in NEP communities must assume linear trajectory barring natural or artificially designed disaster.
The recent count ostensibly touted as "census-2009" and sarcastically referring to Northern Kenya's population as bloated is characteristic of inept and arrogant leadership. A recount will deliver population count that will dampen the spirit and will of those who thrive in ethnic hierarchy. Afterall,Kenyas' 40 plus ethinic groups and 40 million citizens are entitled to equal rights and resources. Subjugation based on ethnic supremacy is not the game to play after the new constitution.
On four ontological accounts, the census of North Eastern province has never been nearly accurate and will never be accurate;
first, census agents often conduct counts in major cities and mid-sized villages. Great majority of Somali population is pastoral compared to sedentary. On this basis, only a small portion of the population could be reached by census enumerators.
Second, head counting human in the Somali norm is not embraced kindly and implies an attempt heralding sinister intention.
Third, historical injustices, marginalization and perpetual discrimination feeds suspicion and naturally limits census process.
Fourth, Oparanya reported the ratio of men is twice or thrice to women. To be very kind to him, perhaps he read the ratio in reverse.
The poncy textbook response that "according to natural population patterns, the growth in NEP is unusual" as espoused by Dr. Ikamari and Oparanya is disservice to the census process. A dismissive one line item is insufficient to address an entire process Kenyans have been waiting for over a year. Instead, it is prudent to take a more in depth analysis of the "dramatic" population shift, if indeed that is the case.
In the last decade, there has been sedentarization of pastoral communities spawning settlements around Garissa, Mandera, Wajir and other small towns. El-Nino rains, La-Nina and subsequent draughts left widespread bankruptcy in livestock. Hundreds of thousands camel, cattle, goat and sheep perished leaving legions of pastoral communities destitute. These communities were left with no option but sedentary lifestyle.
The upsurge in population around existing towns and villages was not captured by the census-1999 as the settlements were gradual throughout the last decade. That means the enumerators were able to reach more of the population this time than they were able to do in the past.
Clearly, this has contributed to the census of respective towns but not anything near 140% as reported. The overall number recently quoted by the Interim Electoral Commission of Kenya (IIECK) show stark similarity to the census 2009 dismissed by the planning ministry.
According to the Interim Independent Electoral Commission the region has 232,099 registered voters which represent 10 per cent of the total population. This numbers extrapolated to 100th percentile indicate the regions’ population is around 2.3 million, congruent to the result garbaged by the planning minister.
The argument by some pundits that high birth rate has contributed to the puzzling numbers is also defunct. Nothing indicates an upward shift in birth rate between the last few decades as claimed by the government ill-luminaries except during the HIV/AIDS era.
At least theoretically, it is arguable that birth rate may have been comparatively low in the last two decades due to awareness and education around HIV/AIDS in the region. Contraception and fertility enhancing practices are too scanty to waver birth rate. Rationally, population growth in NEP communities must assume linear trajectory barring natural or artificially designed disaster.
The recent count ostensibly touted as "census-2009" and sarcastically referring to Northern Kenya's population as bloated is characteristic of inept and arrogant leadership. A recount will deliver population count that will dampen the spirit and will of those who thrive in ethnic hierarchy. Afterall,Kenyas' 40 plus ethinic groups and 40 million citizens are entitled to equal rights and resources. Subjugation based on ethnic supremacy is not the game to play after the new constitution.
Saturday, December 13, 2008
Mini-Countries in a Country - Mandera Conflict
Just like many countries in Africa, Kenya is made up of numerous distinct tribes living in clusters with unique cultures and norms. In the pre-colonial days, these tribes lived side by side peacefully with occasional rise of disputes normally calmed by elders. During the infamous period ruthlessly labelled scramble and partition of Africa, the white conquerors turned communities against each other conspiring with one group against another. As a strategic means to enlarge their portion of the pie, the Englishman adopted divide and rule policy. They focused on creating tension and rift between the local communities. At this point, drawing boundaries between the communities has become the golden standard in resolving disputes- a measure that will only work to the advantage of the new umbrella power. The The role of elders as peace makers was largely replaced by the colonialist’s policy.
The elders will only resort to the white power each time there is a disagreement over tribal boarders. When the colonial force handed sovereignty to Kenya, it left a power vacuum - one that the now sovereign government has never been able to fill. In essence, communal boundary mentality has found a very deep place in the minds and hearts of the Kenyan Somali in the northern region of the country. It is so bad to the point that an innocent traveler from a neighboring tribe is considered trespasser and is at risk for been hacked to death.
Armed tribal groups protecting their communal land have evolved over time to become a microcosm of military force protecting its national boundary. It is mini-countries within a country. This forms the core of tribal conflicts we see in post colonial Africa and specifically in Kenya. Tribal wars in Northern Kenya are undoubtedly perfect breed, intentional or otherwise, of the colonial legacy. But an unresoved questions remain; What is the government's stance? Is the government's ambivalence and timid approach fueling these wars in Northern Kenya? Consider the unyielding Gare-Murule war.
The tribal conflicts between Gare and Murule communities of Mandera has been the most persistent and well sustained conflicts in the last few decades albeit temporary breaks. The short breaks from conflicts are breathers and time for regrouping and refueling for the next bout of attacks. The conflicts have progressively become bigger, more widespread and much more sophisticated in weaponry and political engagement. In the early decades, weaponry was so rudimentary that pelting stones, shooting poisoned arrows and use of bayonet were the best weapons. Today, tribal fighters use very sophisticated and complex weapons that are capable of unprecedented death and destruction. Much like military might contest between enemy nations, each group tends to acquire the latest and most destructive weapons they can get into their hands. You wonder who the financiers are? Individual contributions, businessmen and political predators are intimately involved and have their foot-prints all over the place - from contribution to coordination to execution. When the conflict stretches their pockets and drains their energy, they start talking to the media, publicly condemning the other and even ready for a table talk.
The talk then leads to a resolution document. The resolution is written by a select group of leaders in order to create peace and understanding between feuding tribes. Much is usually not drawn from previous resolutions and very little of it is remembered. Committee members are usually new and may not even know of the existence of previous resolutions. Financiers, organizers and coordinators of the fighters appoint peace resolution committees and this has been a confounding factor. If i appoint you, you are an ideologue and my ideals are your ideals - That is the modus operandi. It is then uncontestable that committee members pledge allegiance to safe guard the interest of their cronies and tribesmen without explicit promulgation. Is it reasonable to presume that great majority of leaders are not committed to genuine accomplshment of true and long-lasting peace?
The fundamental step towards curing an illness is to pinpoint and understand its root cause. If this is not the case, then we must expect chronic recurrence of the illness - in this case the northern clan violence.
Kenyan Somalis grim experiences with the military and government reaches as far back as the days of independence. Government reactionary machines in response to clan wars in the northerners are seen as disingenuous, in deeply entrenched. , Military and police engagement conjures fear, hatred, anger and and . about Military or police engagement has only escalated the Mandera tribal crisis in terms of harm brought to the community. Derogatory and despicable activities like raping nursing mothers and young girls as recently inflicted by the Kenya army on the communities of Mandera is something commonly abhorred by fighting tribal groups. It is unbearable when several rape victims narrating their accounts of rape and torture by military perpetrators are simply dismissed as false by those same leaders and government entrusted with protection of the public. Is the military given a blank check to conduct its operations in the most ruthless and primitive manner? Are the leaders speaking on behalf of criminals passing as military? Have they been asked to preside over maiming and raping of innocent women, children and elderly? Given the irresponsible and negligent dismissive statements by the government, the answer to these questions remains yes by default.
It is known that local leaders are bent on with-holding factual and evidential information that would otherwise help in the capture and prosecution of individual criminals. When an individual belonging to a particular tribe attacks another causing severe injuries or even murder, that individual is a criminal. The crime was not one of a whole tribe or clan as it is always passed in that context. No group, clan or otherwise must bare the burden of an individual’s crime. A criminal must carry his/her own cross and be put through the legal process for his/her crimes without broad-brush painting. No group, clan or otherwise should pay money for murderers and rapists. No amount of compensation can substitute for the trauma caused by rape or live lost. The nearest to doing justice is to apprehend the individual perpetrator and putting him or her behind bars – exactly where they belong.
Let us assume for a moment that the angels whispered in the ears of a resolution team and they become determined to achieving long-term peace. Succinctly clear implementation plan for resolution document is never known to have been either discussed or compiled. Perhabs, our leaders believe a written document will have the magic power to create peace or their foresight is sincerely limited. If the former is true, we are doomed and if the later is true, we need to do soul searching for better leadership.
Do we need to spend so much time, effort and money on a document that will never see the light of day? Certainly not. We must first have goals and objectives when drawing a resolution. And the first line should read the most ideal scenario; That each person must see the other as a Kenyan and that no land belongs to a group or clan or tribe. That all land other than private property such as your residence or business is public land. That all kenyans have equal right to the use of public land and that no person has more right over another for any reason. These are three key intertwind statements that each person must take to heart.
A proper enforcement of the resolution, non-violent engagement of government machinery and united political leadership committed to a genuine roadmap is the only force that can break the violence cycle in Northern Kenya. The road map should spell out non-negotiable apprehension process for any individual found to engage in or proven to have links to tribal conflicts. Such a process should not favor any suspect - from the goat herder to the wealthy and influential to the persons vested with power in government. Anything short of that will be a disservice, gross failure on the part of the government and betrayal by the political elitists.
The next obvious step is constitution of resolution enforcement team or committee over an extended period of time. Such committee will oversee the implementation of the resolution and ensure that criminals and violators will be identified and apprehended with the full backing of the government as well as the local and national leadership. Thus, with adoption of a methodology to sustain conflict resolution enforcement, the embrace of an everlasting peace and good neighborliness will be an inevitable force.
Military
Kenyan Somalis grim experiences with the military and government reaches as far back as the days of independence. Government reactionary machines in response to clan wars in the north is seen as disingenuous and at the very least an aggressor whose agenda is deeply entrenched in shredding an already flailed spirit. Military and police engagement conjures fear, hatred and brewing anger teetering at shoe throwing distaste.
An objective view point will almost endorse the analysis behind the peoples distrust of the government. Military or police engagement has only escalated the Mandera tribal crisis in terms of harm brought to the community. Derogatory and despicable activities like raping nursing mothers and young girls as recently inflicted by the Kenya army on the communities of Mandera is something commonly abhorred by fighting tribal groups. It is unbearable when several rape victims narrating their accounts of rape and torture by military perpetrators are simply dismissed as false by those same leaders and government entrusted with protection of the public. Is the military given a blank check to conduct its operations in the most ruthless and primitive manner? Are the leaders speaking on behalf of criminals passing as military? Have they been asked to preside over maiming and raping of innocent women, children and elderly? Given the irresponsible and negligent dismissive statements by the government, the answer to these questions remains yes by default.
The elders will only resort to the white power each time there is a disagreement over tribal boarders. When the colonial force handed sovereignty to Kenya, it left a power vacuum - one that the now sovereign government has never been able to fill. In essence, communal boundary mentality has found a very deep place in the minds and hearts of the Kenyan Somali in the northern region of the country. It is so bad to the point that an innocent traveler from a neighboring tribe is considered trespasser and is at risk for been hacked to death.
Armed tribal groups protecting their communal land have evolved over time to become a microcosm of military force protecting its national boundary. It is mini-countries within a country. This forms the core of tribal conflicts we see in post colonial Africa and specifically in Kenya. Tribal wars in Northern Kenya are undoubtedly perfect breed, intentional or otherwise, of the colonial legacy. But an unresoved questions remain; What is the government's stance? Is the government's ambivalence and timid approach fueling these wars in Northern Kenya? Consider the unyielding Gare-Murule war.
The tribal conflicts between Gare and Murule communities of Mandera has been the most persistent and well sustained conflicts in the last few decades albeit temporary breaks. The short breaks from conflicts are breathers and time for regrouping and refueling for the next bout of attacks. The conflicts have progressively become bigger, more widespread and much more sophisticated in weaponry and political engagement. In the early decades, weaponry was so rudimentary that pelting stones, shooting poisoned arrows and use of bayonet were the best weapons. Today, tribal fighters use very sophisticated and complex weapons that are capable of unprecedented death and destruction. Much like military might contest between enemy nations, each group tends to acquire the latest and most destructive weapons they can get into their hands. You wonder who the financiers are? Individual contributions, businessmen and political predators are intimately involved and have their foot-prints all over the place - from contribution to coordination to execution. When the conflict stretches their pockets and drains their energy, they start talking to the media, publicly condemning the other and even ready for a table talk.
The talk then leads to a resolution document. The resolution is written by a select group of leaders in order to create peace and understanding between feuding tribes. Much is usually not drawn from previous resolutions and very little of it is remembered. Committee members are usually new and may not even know of the existence of previous resolutions. Financiers, organizers and coordinators of the fighters appoint peace resolution committees and this has been a confounding factor. If i appoint you, you are an ideologue and my ideals are your ideals - That is the modus operandi. It is then uncontestable that committee members pledge allegiance to safe guard the interest of their cronies and tribesmen without explicit promulgation. Is it reasonable to presume that great majority of leaders are not committed to genuine accomplshment of true and long-lasting peace?
The fundamental step towards curing an illness is to pinpoint and understand its root cause. If this is not the case, then we must expect chronic recurrence of the illness - in this case the northern clan violence.
Kenyan Somalis grim experiences with the military and government reaches as far back as the days of independence. Government reactionary machines in response to clan wars in the northerners are seen as disingenuous, in deeply entrenched. , Military and police engagement conjures fear, hatred, anger and and . about Military or police engagement has only escalated the Mandera tribal crisis in terms of harm brought to the community. Derogatory and despicable activities like raping nursing mothers and young girls as recently inflicted by the Kenya army on the communities of Mandera is something commonly abhorred by fighting tribal groups. It is unbearable when several rape victims narrating their accounts of rape and torture by military perpetrators are simply dismissed as false by those same leaders and government entrusted with protection of the public. Is the military given a blank check to conduct its operations in the most ruthless and primitive manner? Are the leaders speaking on behalf of criminals passing as military? Have they been asked to preside over maiming and raping of innocent women, children and elderly? Given the irresponsible and negligent dismissive statements by the government, the answer to these questions remains yes by default.
It is known that local leaders are bent on with-holding factual and evidential information that would otherwise help in the capture and prosecution of individual criminals. When an individual belonging to a particular tribe attacks another causing severe injuries or even murder, that individual is a criminal. The crime was not one of a whole tribe or clan as it is always passed in that context. No group, clan or otherwise must bare the burden of an individual’s crime. A criminal must carry his/her own cross and be put through the legal process for his/her crimes without broad-brush painting. No group, clan or otherwise should pay money for murderers and rapists. No amount of compensation can substitute for the trauma caused by rape or live lost. The nearest to doing justice is to apprehend the individual perpetrator and putting him or her behind bars – exactly where they belong.
Let us assume for a moment that the angels whispered in the ears of a resolution team and they become determined to achieving long-term peace. Succinctly clear implementation plan for resolution document is never known to have been either discussed or compiled. Perhabs, our leaders believe a written document will have the magic power to create peace or their foresight is sincerely limited. If the former is true, we are doomed and if the later is true, we need to do soul searching for better leadership.
Do we need to spend so much time, effort and money on a document that will never see the light of day? Certainly not. We must first have goals and objectives when drawing a resolution. And the first line should read the most ideal scenario; That each person must see the other as a Kenyan and that no land belongs to a group or clan or tribe. That all land other than private property such as your residence or business is public land. That all kenyans have equal right to the use of public land and that no person has more right over another for any reason. These are three key intertwind statements that each person must take to heart.
A proper enforcement of the resolution, non-violent engagement of government machinery and united political leadership committed to a genuine roadmap is the only force that can break the violence cycle in Northern Kenya. The road map should spell out non-negotiable apprehension process for any individual found to engage in or proven to have links to tribal conflicts. Such a process should not favor any suspect - from the goat herder to the wealthy and influential to the persons vested with power in government. Anything short of that will be a disservice, gross failure on the part of the government and betrayal by the political elitists.
The next obvious step is constitution of resolution enforcement team or committee over an extended period of time. Such committee will oversee the implementation of the resolution and ensure that criminals and violators will be identified and apprehended with the full backing of the government as well as the local and national leadership. Thus, with adoption of a methodology to sustain conflict resolution enforcement, the embrace of an everlasting peace and good neighborliness will be an inevitable force.
Military
Kenyan Somalis grim experiences with the military and government reaches as far back as the days of independence. Government reactionary machines in response to clan wars in the north is seen as disingenuous and at the very least an aggressor whose agenda is deeply entrenched in shredding an already flailed spirit. Military and police engagement conjures fear, hatred and brewing anger teetering at shoe throwing distaste.
An objective view point will almost endorse the analysis behind the peoples distrust of the government. Military or police engagement has only escalated the Mandera tribal crisis in terms of harm brought to the community. Derogatory and despicable activities like raping nursing mothers and young girls as recently inflicted by the Kenya army on the communities of Mandera is something commonly abhorred by fighting tribal groups. It is unbearable when several rape victims narrating their accounts of rape and torture by military perpetrators are simply dismissed as false by those same leaders and government entrusted with protection of the public. Is the military given a blank check to conduct its operations in the most ruthless and primitive manner? Are the leaders speaking on behalf of criminals passing as military? Have they been asked to preside over maiming and raping of innocent women, children and elderly? Given the irresponsible and negligent dismissive statements by the government, the answer to these questions remains yes by default.
Wednesday, March 5, 2008
Think! Safaricom IPO
I always heard you don't need to be a mathematician to add 1
plus 1. Similarly, the on going SafariCom IPO will not require the opinion of re-knowned economist. I am not an economist but my basic math is unable to agree with
SafariCom shares that are about to be floated. I am keen on this
issue because, beyond owning business interests, i am a very caring
Kenyan and would like to invoke informed and thoughtful decision
making prior to falling a victim of a meticulously planned grand
scheme meant to further enrich the rich and influential.
I see something brewing in Kenya, something that may turn out to be
larger scandal than Kenya has ever seen. Something bigger than the
Goldenberg and the Anglo-leasing. I am not a prophet of doom but i see
a danger, a serious scandal in the magnitude of Enron if not bigger.
The only difference is we have an opportunity to make a decision now.
And the political leaders and economists are not talking about the bad
side of the coin.
The fight between the two political tigers (read ODM and PNU) is not
about the dangerous economic miscalculations we are about to embrace.
Their focus is a sharp contrast to what some ordinary Kenyans are
seeing. The two seem to have agreed on the sale of the shares, their
only bone of contention been implementation vis-a-vis; ODM ensuring
access of shares for everyone and PNU ensuring the sale of government
property is done accordingly and constitutionally - no elaboration.
It seems there are many things been pushed under the carpet - even
from an ordinary observers perspective.
Kenya has began its five-year political lease with despondency, gloom
and sadness. With the compromises and advances made towards
understanding and healing, the country is again rising back to its
feet albeit at a very slow pace. The recent crisis slabbed the economy
on the face and many Kenyans are poorer than they were a few months a
go. The SafariCom craze is too good to be true and will attract more
buyers than it would have a few months ago. That means millions of
Kenyans will be affected when the truth about the Safaricom Scheme
comes ashore. And i am fearful that Kenyans will have another 5 years
of talks, accuses, finger-pointing, pressing charges, jails,
deceptions and fake fights against corruption.
To those who wish to subscribe to Safaricom, i ask you to be cautious
about how many of your eggs go into that basket. It is however, my
hope that my assessment which now seems to be frightful and fear-
mongering turns out to be an undersight and proven wrong.
Two last thoughts to think over dinner; first, If there are others who
are harboring a gut feeling and constant nudging of something being
really wrong with this Safari craze, please share with fellow
Kenyans.. Second, if you have never thought about it, i would
encourage you do so today.
plus 1. Similarly, the on going SafariCom IPO will not require the opinion of re-knowned economist. I am not an economist but my basic math is unable to agree with
SafariCom shares that are about to be floated. I am keen on this
issue because, beyond owning business interests, i am a very caring
Kenyan and would like to invoke informed and thoughtful decision
making prior to falling a victim of a meticulously planned grand
scheme meant to further enrich the rich and influential.
I see something brewing in Kenya, something that may turn out to be
larger scandal than Kenya has ever seen. Something bigger than the
Goldenberg and the Anglo-leasing. I am not a prophet of doom but i see
a danger, a serious scandal in the magnitude of Enron if not bigger.
The only difference is we have an opportunity to make a decision now.
And the political leaders and economists are not talking about the bad
side of the coin.
The fight between the two political tigers (read ODM and PNU) is not
about the dangerous economic miscalculations we are about to embrace.
Their focus is a sharp contrast to what some ordinary Kenyans are
seeing. The two seem to have agreed on the sale of the shares, their
only bone of contention been implementation vis-a-vis; ODM ensuring
access of shares for everyone and PNU ensuring the sale of government
property is done accordingly and constitutionally - no elaboration.
It seems there are many things been pushed under the carpet - even
from an ordinary observers perspective.
Kenya has began its five-year political lease with despondency, gloom
and sadness. With the compromises and advances made towards
understanding and healing, the country is again rising back to its
feet albeit at a very slow pace. The recent crisis slabbed the economy
on the face and many Kenyans are poorer than they were a few months a
go. The SafariCom craze is too good to be true and will attract more
buyers than it would have a few months ago. That means millions of
Kenyans will be affected when the truth about the Safaricom Scheme
comes ashore. And i am fearful that Kenyans will have another 5 years
of talks, accuses, finger-pointing, pressing charges, jails,
deceptions and fake fights against corruption.
To those who wish to subscribe to Safaricom, i ask you to be cautious
about how many of your eggs go into that basket. It is however, my
hope that my assessment which now seems to be frightful and fear-
mongering turns out to be an undersight and proven wrong.
Two last thoughts to think over dinner; first, If there are others who
are harboring a gut feeling and constant nudging of something being
really wrong with this Safari craze, please share with fellow
Kenyans.. Second, if you have never thought about it, i would
encourage you do so today.
Sunday, February 10, 2008
Kenya; is it Another Sinking African State?
The sudden explosion in Kenya needs a more thorough analysis beyond just tribal and partisan political thoughts as circulated by the local and international media and forums. The raging violence is an expression of frustrations, betrayal of trust, broken promises and disappointments that has its roots on expectations and anticipations of the Kenyan people from the incumbent government – An expectation which has begun in 2002 based on an all-inclusive and broad based government. The 2007 election was a platform opportunity for the people to speak to its leaders.
There were unusually very low incidents of pre-election violence. Kenyans demonstrated maturity and respect for the electoral process. They performed their civic duty with civility and pride. They were speaking peacefully to each other and to their leaders in the hope that they will be heard. And many countries in African continent and the world rife with dictatorships and violence watched the conduct of Kenyan voters in admiration and hope to emulate their example. This been the 4Th real election since independence, Kenyans too had the highest hope for free and fair elections. They truly believed and trusted that there will be respect for their choices and voices having enjoyed relative political and social stability in the last decade albeit widened rich-poor gap and building of internal tensions.
In 2002, Kenyan voters overwhelmingly placed honorable Kibaki at the helm, irrespective of their tribal or group affiliations. They were eager to see change and opening of a new chapter in pursuit of democratic nation. Even as Kibaki was recouping from a devastating accident, opposition leaders who had no tribal association with Kibaki were aggressively campaigning for him – all for promises and agreement to deliver to Kenyans the democracy they yearned for many years and consequently trash the principles of dictatorial regime. Not only that but for the formation of an all inclusive and broad based government. The issue of tribe was not too relevant then.
With a landslide win, Kibaki’s 2002 presidential swearing was ensued by celebrations and ululations across the country from the port city of Mombasa to the beach of lake Victoria, from the shores of Lake Turkana to the foot of Ngong hills, from the banks of River Daua to the plains of Masai Mara. Many dignitaries were invited – African presidents, representatives from European Union, United States, Canada, African Union, United Nations and many international organizations. The attendance at Uhuru Park was estimated at well over a million. The National Anthem was sung - “…..Justice be our shield and defender. May we dwell in unity, Peace and liberty….” The national sword was handed over by former president Moi to wheelchair bound Kibaki. The nation was reborn.
What was left behind then? Twenty-four years of mysterious disappearances, burning of cities, gun butting of innocent citizens, siphoning of national coffers, roadside firings, face-smacking of the press, unmerited job appointments and grand corruption were becoming history. When Uhuru Park event was wound-up, Kenyans went about their businesses patiently waiting for democracy and a high flying optimism for a government that will represent them all equally. To many, this was the second liberation – first one being termination of the colonial rule in 1963.
Compare 2002’s election result and presidential swearing with 2007. The results were announced by physically shaken and terrified looking electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) chairman Sam Kivuitu. None of his commissioners were on sight. The president was sworn in a matter of minutes in a secluded location in the presence of a handful of select loyalties and family members. Almost immediately, all live media coverage was banned by the security minister. Within minutes, fire and smoke engulfed the entire country; a shoot to kill fellow Kenyans was passed again by the security minister. And memories of Rwanda and Somalia were becoming so real within hours of announcing the results. Why will a state held with much esteem and pride so quickly degenerate to another deeply troubled equatorial African region?
There were unusually very low incidents of pre-election violence. Kenyans demonstrated maturity and respect for the electoral process. They performed their civic duty with civility and pride. They were speaking peacefully to each other and to their leaders in the hope that they will be heard. And many countries in African continent and the world rife with dictatorships and violence watched the conduct of Kenyan voters in admiration and hope to emulate their example. This been the 4Th real election since independence, Kenyans too had the highest hope for free and fair elections. They truly believed and trusted that there will be respect for their choices and voices having enjoyed relative political and social stability in the last decade albeit widened rich-poor gap and building of internal tensions.
In 2002, Kenyan voters overwhelmingly placed honorable Kibaki at the helm, irrespective of their tribal or group affiliations. They were eager to see change and opening of a new chapter in pursuit of democratic nation. Even as Kibaki was recouping from a devastating accident, opposition leaders who had no tribal association with Kibaki were aggressively campaigning for him – all for promises and agreement to deliver to Kenyans the democracy they yearned for many years and consequently trash the principles of dictatorial regime. Not only that but for the formation of an all inclusive and broad based government. The issue of tribe was not too relevant then.
With a landslide win, Kibaki’s 2002 presidential swearing was ensued by celebrations and ululations across the country from the port city of Mombasa to the beach of lake Victoria, from the shores of Lake Turkana to the foot of Ngong hills, from the banks of River Daua to the plains of Masai Mara. Many dignitaries were invited – African presidents, representatives from European Union, United States, Canada, African Union, United Nations and many international organizations. The attendance at Uhuru Park was estimated at well over a million. The National Anthem was sung - “…..Justice be our shield and defender. May we dwell in unity, Peace and liberty….” The national sword was handed over by former president Moi to wheelchair bound Kibaki. The nation was reborn.
What was left behind then? Twenty-four years of mysterious disappearances, burning of cities, gun butting of innocent citizens, siphoning of national coffers, roadside firings, face-smacking of the press, unmerited job appointments and grand corruption were becoming history. When Uhuru Park event was wound-up, Kenyans went about their businesses patiently waiting for democracy and a high flying optimism for a government that will represent them all equally. To many, this was the second liberation – first one being termination of the colonial rule in 1963.
Compare 2002’s election result and presidential swearing with 2007. The results were announced by physically shaken and terrified looking electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) chairman Sam Kivuitu. None of his commissioners were on sight. The president was sworn in a matter of minutes in a secluded location in the presence of a handful of select loyalties and family members. Almost immediately, all live media coverage was banned by the security minister. Within minutes, fire and smoke engulfed the entire country; a shoot to kill fellow Kenyans was passed again by the security minister. And memories of Rwanda and Somalia were becoming so real within hours of announcing the results. Why will a state held with much esteem and pride so quickly degenerate to another deeply troubled equatorial African region?
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