I did it again this year to see if anything has changed. Last year it was by Bus. In October of this year (2010), I traveled from Madera to Wajir, purposefully by Kabber (Land Cruiser used to carry Chat). Three days before, I flew from Nairobi to Mandera and asked my driver to meet me in Wajir. The Kabberr unloaded a day before and was on its way to Maua. In the cabin were the driver, my niece who just completed standard eight and me. We departed at 10 am.
After traveling for an estimated half-kilometer, the driver came to a screeching stop in front of a shop. He shouted for his turnboy to come down. He handed him about 10,000 Kenya Shillings. It was all in 1000 shilling bill. The day was so hot...so hot and dry that no amount of water can cool you down. It was made worse by sitting and waiting in idling car. Five minutes later, the young man returned with hands to chest full of 100 shilling notes. Instantly, the driver accelerated with a thrust leaving behind a gigantic trail of dust. That made us very nervous. But, the thought of the huge stuck of notes clouded my discomfort with a seemingly irresponsible driving. I could not hold my curiosity back. I asked the driver why he needed so much cash in small bills. He retorted "for the road". That was an idiomatic response but I suspect he meant for the police (road) as I had seen it happen in the Bus.
We came to Arabia, the immediate settlement after Mandera. The policeman waved at us to stop. There was a roadblock, so there was no reason for waving. Perhaps, he was too excited to see us. He came to the driver's side, leaned on the door and as he exchanged greetings, the driver pulled a couple notes (Ksh. 200) from the stuck of money on the side of his seat. He folded the notes and extended his hand for unsuspicious handshake. I could see the policeman's arm drop to his pocket and almost instantly conclude the conversation. The Policeman cleared our way and we headed on.
Next, we came to Fino. The policeman waved again. We stopped. And soon, he was on the driver's door and the Metal Bar was up in minutes. The whole thing appeared to have some procedural pattern to it; a roadblock, a wave, leaning on the driver's door, a handshake and moving the roadblock. At Lafey, Elwak (twice), Borehole-11, Wargadud, Kutulo-Mandera, Kutulo-Wajir, Tarbaj the drama replayed over and over and over. I asked the driver what will happen if he didn't pay these guys. He said they will detain the vehicle and its passengers for hours if not days with no law to turn to. Seriously, that is an abuse of people’s rights
I was not shocked as much as surprised that this was not only in the Buses plying through these routes but applies to all travelers - even Lorries. It is like a toll station, only this time it is in every small village. By the way, these roads are murram and no evidence of gravelling or paving ever occurred here.
Most leaders will tell you the police checks are for security purpose. But does this really entail any form of security check? If it is for security reasons, why do it in every single village? Can't this be done in Arabia then at Wajir then Garissa? Even that is too much.
I had a similar experience in a Bus from Mandera to Wajir last year. I heard these stories many times but wanted to experience it for myself. Just outside Mandera, we were stopped. Everyone was asked to come down. We complied. They asked for Identity shouting "kipande, kipande!!". They checked everyone and we boarded again with no incident. My eyes were keen on the interaction between the police and the conductor. They stood on the side, engaged in some kind of negotiation and he handed them something. I am guessing something more than couple hundred.
Then at Rhamu, we were stopped and checked. On the seat just behind me, the policeman shouted "shuka haraka wewe! shuka!!!". I turned and it was a young lady with a sick child on her lap. He held her ID card firmly on his hand. She stepped down with the child strapped on her back. Again, I was watching this incident very closely. I asked the passenger sitting next to her if she knew what was going on. They accused her of using a fake Identity card. Not satisfied with this information, I talked to the conductor who was hanging on the entrance bar. He told me that everything is ok. It is not fake ID card; they just need "something".
I started self-debate. If they just need "something" why don't they ask for it? Why did they pick on the most vulnerable of the passengers- a young lady, with a sick child? How can she defend herself if they insist the ID is fake even though it is genuine? What can I do to stop the evil advances of these guys?
I gathered courage, stepped down and confronted the policemen. I introduced myself. "Habari wazee? I am Dr. Ali and this is my relative. Is there a problem with her identity?" One of them lit his flash-light on my face. I politely asked him not to do that again. He yelled that I go back to the Bus. I asked him if I can go back with the lady and her child. He literally started charging at me before he was restrained by his colleague. I warned him that his behavior could cause serious damage to his job and his person. It turned into a scene. The conductor, the driver and more passengers gathered around us. Then the more emotionally sober policeman started apologizing and asked everyone including the lady and her child board the Bus again. We left.
At Elwak, we were checked again. Even after ensuring everyone had an ID, they still wanted their "something". At least, this time, they did not accuse anyone of anything. The conductor took care of them. At Wargadud, Kutulos, Tarbaj the story was the same. Then you wonder; is there such a thing as 'freedom of movement?" Not in the Northern part of Kenya.
I wonder too, if these buses are making ends meet considering the excessive police brutality and massive breakdowns from poor roads. I salute the staff and the owners for their endurance. The extreme breach of justice, abuse of peoples' rights and unyielding demand for bribery is beyond comprehension.
When you want to know the conduct of the rank, you look to the conduct of the file. There is a total failure of leadership in that part of the country. The misconduct of public officers in Northern Kenya is deeply entrenched culture never seen anywhere else in the country. It is brutal, barbaric and bigotry of a kind.
While the other Kenya is fighting corruption, Northern Kenya is fraught with institutional extortion, more so the security arm.
Local and national leaders wake up and stand up against this vice. Wake up government!. Your citizen is painfully consumed a live by your own institution. Where are you human rights watchdogs and advocates? Gather courage to speak up and speak out. Wake up citizens; Kenya has changed and the culture of corruption and police brutality can be confronted boldly with no adverse consequence to you for doing so. Where are the youth and college students? Volunteer for your communities and educate them of their freedom of movement everywhere and anywhere in their country. Where is the media? It is not about national coverage alone, it is also about local coverage; shame and shape the police force and public officers. Let us do it in unison for the suppressed voices, subjugated rights, miscarriage identities and frightened minds.
Monday, December 20, 2010
Snow Storm - Twin Cities, Dec. 2010
Driving on snowed highways and streets was not fun. Can you imagine driving on 16" dip snowed roads? Don't ask how but I managed!!
Friday, October 22, 2010
Northern Kenya; a century of marginalization and still on
The perpetual social, economic and political menace in most parts of Africa is the relic of the colonial powers. The African brand of colonialism was a pervasive laceration on humanity; deep and chronic wounds that continue to fester with pungent mistrust to this day. Every region was affected in a different way. Those on Kenyan highlands were thrown out of their farms and replaced with white settlers. West Africa was converted to slave harbor. The south is even more vivid with its apartheid masters still alive. The north is mostly remembered for the power struggle for the control of Suez Canal route and the Gabon-Niger-Moroco pipeline that empties African oil into massive Paris tanks. The entire Congo-Brazzaville was the private farm of the Belgian King, Leopold-II; the African natives forced to be his personal slaves and labored to transport wood for European real estates.
These are the colonial woes on Africa, its people and natural gifts used for consumption by the Europeans. In Northern Kenya, the colonial story takes a divergent path.
Before independence:
Northern Kenya was not truly colonized. Economically, the region was of no interest to the British. Their tactical presence in the region was one of tripolar mission. First, it was a buffer zone to interrupt Ethiopian imperial expansionist from advancing towards Kenyan hinterland and other regions placed on big British tabs. Second, it was a land-bridge to connect British settlements in East Africa and port of Berbera on the Gulf of Aden. Third, it was a suppression strategy on ‘naturally hostile’ Somali pastoralist. The later was not perceived threat because they had bad experiences with Sayid Abdullah Hassan and bruising battles with Aulihan in Northern Kenya.
Sir Charles Elliot and his cronies slapped the region with the 1902 outlying district ordinance that would isolate the Northerners for the rest of the 20th century. This has essentially turned northern Kenya into a large prison where exit and entrance was by a special pass. The stock and produce ordinance of 1933 led to further insult on the people of Northern Kenya. The ordinances gave British establishment immense powers to arrest and seize property.
After independence:
In addition to extending the colonial policies, the Kenyan government practiced outright discrimination, human right violations and strangled resources to its Northern region. A few of these examples are; the emergency rule, the indemnity act, the pink card, the wagalla massacre, Bulla Kartasi massacre, Merti/isiolo killings, denial of right to birth certificates and the list goes on. These injustices were all well orchestrated and practically designed by the government that is otherwise assumed to protect its people.
Those are the external woes of Northern Kenya. The 20th century closed its doors living dark memories and large scares on the psyche and body of Northern citizens. Despite this history, the people refuse to lurk in their dark memories. Instead, they acquired the will and inspiration to advance and progress. A Nigerian author whose name cannot be recollected aptly stated “We had the best chance to do things right 25 years ago but now is the next best chance”.
Unfortunately, internal archetypical Somali problems remain to impede progress. Negative ethnicity, a terminology cleverly crafted by Koigi Wa Wamwere is a perfect embodiment of Somali internal troubles. A curse as referred to M. Sambul, social cancer, societal venom, ghostly ambience, what ever best describes it, ethnicity holds the Somali society on the shackles. Even amongst the most learned, it has its magical manifestation. Rationally, we can conclude that an effort to exorcise ethnicity from Somali setting is worthless. Solutions can be found in a paradigm shift – a shift from negative ethnicity to positive ethnicity. The question is how do we flip the ethnicity coin from negative to positive?
Another impediment is poor leadership. Leadership that can tower over the internal squabbles steadfastly holding on the driver’s seat of peace and prosperity is NOT a far cry for the Somalis of the Northern Kenya as is for the rest of Somali people. The test is to select leaders on the basis of merit and quality with no absolute regard to ethnic background. This approach will bring the northern region to economic and political maturity at par with the rest of the world. However, seeking leadership will remain a far cry only if the ethnicity coin will fail to flip or shift to the positive paradigm. Other setbacks, we can overcome.
These are the colonial woes on Africa, its people and natural gifts used for consumption by the Europeans. In Northern Kenya, the colonial story takes a divergent path.
Before independence:
Northern Kenya was not truly colonized. Economically, the region was of no interest to the British. Their tactical presence in the region was one of tripolar mission. First, it was a buffer zone to interrupt Ethiopian imperial expansionist from advancing towards Kenyan hinterland and other regions placed on big British tabs. Second, it was a land-bridge to connect British settlements in East Africa and port of Berbera on the Gulf of Aden. Third, it was a suppression strategy on ‘naturally hostile’ Somali pastoralist. The later was not perceived threat because they had bad experiences with Sayid Abdullah Hassan and bruising battles with Aulihan in Northern Kenya.
Sir Charles Elliot and his cronies slapped the region with the 1902 outlying district ordinance that would isolate the Northerners for the rest of the 20th century. This has essentially turned northern Kenya into a large prison where exit and entrance was by a special pass. The stock and produce ordinance of 1933 led to further insult on the people of Northern Kenya. The ordinances gave British establishment immense powers to arrest and seize property.
After independence:
In addition to extending the colonial policies, the Kenyan government practiced outright discrimination, human right violations and strangled resources to its Northern region. A few of these examples are; the emergency rule, the indemnity act, the pink card, the wagalla massacre, Bulla Kartasi massacre, Merti/isiolo killings, denial of right to birth certificates and the list goes on. These injustices were all well orchestrated and practically designed by the government that is otherwise assumed to protect its people.
Those are the external woes of Northern Kenya. The 20th century closed its doors living dark memories and large scares on the psyche and body of Northern citizens. Despite this history, the people refuse to lurk in their dark memories. Instead, they acquired the will and inspiration to advance and progress. A Nigerian author whose name cannot be recollected aptly stated “We had the best chance to do things right 25 years ago but now is the next best chance”.
Unfortunately, internal archetypical Somali problems remain to impede progress. Negative ethnicity, a terminology cleverly crafted by Koigi Wa Wamwere is a perfect embodiment of Somali internal troubles. A curse as referred to M. Sambul, social cancer, societal venom, ghostly ambience, what ever best describes it, ethnicity holds the Somali society on the shackles. Even amongst the most learned, it has its magical manifestation. Rationally, we can conclude that an effort to exorcise ethnicity from Somali setting is worthless. Solutions can be found in a paradigm shift – a shift from negative ethnicity to positive ethnicity. The question is how do we flip the ethnicity coin from negative to positive?
Another impediment is poor leadership. Leadership that can tower over the internal squabbles steadfastly holding on the driver’s seat of peace and prosperity is NOT a far cry for the Somalis of the Northern Kenya as is for the rest of Somali people. The test is to select leaders on the basis of merit and quality with no absolute regard to ethnic background. This approach will bring the northern region to economic and political maturity at par with the rest of the world. However, seeking leadership will remain a far cry only if the ethnicity coin will fail to flip or shift to the positive paradigm. Other setbacks, we can overcome.
Wednesday, September 22, 2010
Northern Kenya; population hype
Planning Minister, Wycliffe Oparanya and population expert Dr. Lawrence Ikamari of Nairobi University are too naïve to speak to the socio-cultural structures of Northern Kenya Somalis. If that is not the case, then they are deliberately undermining the veracity of the region’s census. The assumption that the current census of North Eastern province is bloated while the past ones were accurate is unfounded.
On four ontological accounts, the census of North Eastern province has never been nearly accurate and will never be accurate;
first, census agents often conduct counts in major cities and mid-sized villages. Great majority of Somali population is pastoral compared to sedentary. On this basis, only a small portion of the population could be reached by census enumerators.
Second, head counting human in the Somali norm is not embraced kindly and implies an attempt heralding sinister intention.
Third, historical injustices, marginalization and perpetual discrimination feeds suspicion and naturally limits census process.
Fourth, Oparanya reported the ratio of men is twice or thrice to women. To be very kind to him, perhaps he read the ratio in reverse.
The poncy textbook response that "according to natural population patterns, the growth in NEP is unusual" as espoused by Dr. Ikamari and Oparanya is disservice to the census process. A dismissive one line item is insufficient to address an entire process Kenyans have been waiting for over a year. Instead, it is prudent to take a more in depth analysis of the "dramatic" population shift, if indeed that is the case.
In the last decade, there has been sedentarization of pastoral communities spawning settlements around Garissa, Mandera, Wajir and other small towns. El-Nino rains, La-Nina and subsequent draughts left widespread bankruptcy in livestock. Hundreds of thousands camel, cattle, goat and sheep perished leaving legions of pastoral communities destitute. These communities were left with no option but sedentary lifestyle.
The upsurge in population around existing towns and villages was not captured by the census-1999 as the settlements were gradual throughout the last decade. That means the enumerators were able to reach more of the population this time than they were able to do in the past.
Clearly, this has contributed to the census of respective towns but not anything near 140% as reported. The overall number recently quoted by the Interim Electoral Commission of Kenya (IIECK) show stark similarity to the census 2009 dismissed by the planning ministry.
According to the Interim Independent Electoral Commission the region has 232,099 registered voters which represent 10 per cent of the total population. This numbers extrapolated to 100th percentile indicate the regions’ population is around 2.3 million, congruent to the result garbaged by the planning minister.
The argument by some pundits that high birth rate has contributed to the puzzling numbers is also defunct. Nothing indicates an upward shift in birth rate between the last few decades as claimed by the government ill-luminaries except during the HIV/AIDS era.
At least theoretically, it is arguable that birth rate may have been comparatively low in the last two decades due to awareness and education around HIV/AIDS in the region. Contraception and fertility enhancing practices are too scanty to waver birth rate. Rationally, population growth in NEP communities must assume linear trajectory barring natural or artificially designed disaster.
The recent count ostensibly touted as "census-2009" and sarcastically referring to Northern Kenya's population as bloated is characteristic of inept and arrogant leadership. A recount will deliver population count that will dampen the spirit and will of those who thrive in ethnic hierarchy. Afterall,Kenyas' 40 plus ethinic groups and 40 million citizens are entitled to equal rights and resources. Subjugation based on ethnic supremacy is not the game to play after the new constitution.
On four ontological accounts, the census of North Eastern province has never been nearly accurate and will never be accurate;
first, census agents often conduct counts in major cities and mid-sized villages. Great majority of Somali population is pastoral compared to sedentary. On this basis, only a small portion of the population could be reached by census enumerators.
Second, head counting human in the Somali norm is not embraced kindly and implies an attempt heralding sinister intention.
Third, historical injustices, marginalization and perpetual discrimination feeds suspicion and naturally limits census process.
Fourth, Oparanya reported the ratio of men is twice or thrice to women. To be very kind to him, perhaps he read the ratio in reverse.
The poncy textbook response that "according to natural population patterns, the growth in NEP is unusual" as espoused by Dr. Ikamari and Oparanya is disservice to the census process. A dismissive one line item is insufficient to address an entire process Kenyans have been waiting for over a year. Instead, it is prudent to take a more in depth analysis of the "dramatic" population shift, if indeed that is the case.
In the last decade, there has been sedentarization of pastoral communities spawning settlements around Garissa, Mandera, Wajir and other small towns. El-Nino rains, La-Nina and subsequent draughts left widespread bankruptcy in livestock. Hundreds of thousands camel, cattle, goat and sheep perished leaving legions of pastoral communities destitute. These communities were left with no option but sedentary lifestyle.
The upsurge in population around existing towns and villages was not captured by the census-1999 as the settlements were gradual throughout the last decade. That means the enumerators were able to reach more of the population this time than they were able to do in the past.
Clearly, this has contributed to the census of respective towns but not anything near 140% as reported. The overall number recently quoted by the Interim Electoral Commission of Kenya (IIECK) show stark similarity to the census 2009 dismissed by the planning ministry.
According to the Interim Independent Electoral Commission the region has 232,099 registered voters which represent 10 per cent of the total population. This numbers extrapolated to 100th percentile indicate the regions’ population is around 2.3 million, congruent to the result garbaged by the planning minister.
The argument by some pundits that high birth rate has contributed to the puzzling numbers is also defunct. Nothing indicates an upward shift in birth rate between the last few decades as claimed by the government ill-luminaries except during the HIV/AIDS era.
At least theoretically, it is arguable that birth rate may have been comparatively low in the last two decades due to awareness and education around HIV/AIDS in the region. Contraception and fertility enhancing practices are too scanty to waver birth rate. Rationally, population growth in NEP communities must assume linear trajectory barring natural or artificially designed disaster.
The recent count ostensibly touted as "census-2009" and sarcastically referring to Northern Kenya's population as bloated is characteristic of inept and arrogant leadership. A recount will deliver population count that will dampen the spirit and will of those who thrive in ethnic hierarchy. Afterall,Kenyas' 40 plus ethinic groups and 40 million citizens are entitled to equal rights and resources. Subjugation based on ethnic supremacy is not the game to play after the new constitution.
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