The perpetual social, economic and political menace in most parts of Africa is the relic of the colonial powers. The African brand of colonialism was a pervasive laceration on humanity; deep and chronic wounds that continue to fester with pungent mistrust to this day. Every region was affected in a different way. Those on Kenyan highlands were thrown out of their farms and replaced with white settlers. West Africa was converted to slave harbor. The south is even more vivid with its apartheid masters still alive. The north is mostly remembered for the power struggle for the control of Suez Canal route and the Gabon-Niger-Moroco pipeline that empties African oil into massive Paris tanks. The entire Congo-Brazzaville was the private farm of the Belgian King, Leopold-II; the African natives forced to be his personal slaves and labored to transport wood for European real estates.
These are the colonial woes on Africa, its people and natural gifts used for consumption by the Europeans. In Northern Kenya, the colonial story takes a divergent path.
Before independence:
Northern Kenya was not truly colonized. Economically, the region was of no interest to the British. Their tactical presence in the region was one of tripolar mission. First, it was a buffer zone to interrupt Ethiopian imperial expansionist from advancing towards Kenyan hinterland and other regions placed on big British tabs. Second, it was a land-bridge to connect British settlements in East Africa and port of Berbera on the Gulf of Aden. Third, it was a suppression strategy on ‘naturally hostile’ Somali pastoralist. The later was not perceived threat because they had bad experiences with Sayid Abdullah Hassan and bruising battles with Aulihan in Northern Kenya.
Sir Charles Elliot and his cronies slapped the region with the 1902 outlying district ordinance that would isolate the Northerners for the rest of the 20th century. This has essentially turned northern Kenya into a large prison where exit and entrance was by a special pass. The stock and produce ordinance of 1933 led to further insult on the people of Northern Kenya. The ordinances gave British establishment immense powers to arrest and seize property.
After independence:
In addition to extending the colonial policies, the Kenyan government practiced outright discrimination, human right violations and strangled resources to its Northern region. A few of these examples are; the emergency rule, the indemnity act, the pink card, the wagalla massacre, Bulla Kartasi massacre, Merti/isiolo killings, denial of right to birth certificates and the list goes on. These injustices were all well orchestrated and practically designed by the government that is otherwise assumed to protect its people.
Those are the external woes of Northern Kenya. The 20th century closed its doors living dark memories and large scares on the psyche and body of Northern citizens. Despite this history, the people refuse to lurk in their dark memories. Instead, they acquired the will and inspiration to advance and progress. A Nigerian author whose name cannot be recollected aptly stated “We had the best chance to do things right 25 years ago but now is the next best chance”.
Unfortunately, internal archetypical Somali problems remain to impede progress. Negative ethnicity, a terminology cleverly crafted by Koigi Wa Wamwere is a perfect embodiment of Somali internal troubles. A curse as referred to M. Sambul, social cancer, societal venom, ghostly ambience, what ever best describes it, ethnicity holds the Somali society on the shackles. Even amongst the most learned, it has its magical manifestation. Rationally, we can conclude that an effort to exorcise ethnicity from Somali setting is worthless. Solutions can be found in a paradigm shift – a shift from negative ethnicity to positive ethnicity. The question is how do we flip the ethnicity coin from negative to positive?
Another impediment is poor leadership. Leadership that can tower over the internal squabbles steadfastly holding on the driver’s seat of peace and prosperity is NOT a far cry for the Somalis of the Northern Kenya as is for the rest of Somali people. The test is to select leaders on the basis of merit and quality with no absolute regard to ethnic background. This approach will bring the northern region to economic and political maturity at par with the rest of the world. However, seeking leadership will remain a far cry only if the ethnicity coin will fail to flip or shift to the positive paradigm. Other setbacks, we can overcome.
